S01E179: The English Aristocracy, Wow What A Throwback!
Clinton Dropped Bombs
Well La Di Da
Net Zero Goats
Lavish Solo Show ⛧ A Choice Selection of Secret Societies ⛧ Why Do Firefighters Wear The Maltese Cross? ⛧ The Knights of Malta / St. John ⛧ From Medieval Origins to Founding the CIA ⛧ Flooding the World with Heroin and Cocaine ⛧ DEA vs. CIA ⛧ Peter Dale Scott ⛧ Le Cercle Stays A Secret ⛧ Balkan Memes Are Dope ⛧ Your Scr33m-Mails
Don’t Censor Me Bro!
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⭐ LE CERCLE PETIT⭐
The Knights of Malta – Roman Catholic Secret Order
American War Machine by Peter Dale Scott
Carl Sandburg, Grandfather of Max Martin (Powerful Music Producer)
The Trilateral Commission Article
For Your Consideration…
Names of Various Deep State / Secret Societies Ranked by Not Being a Secret
CIA / American Intelligence / Skull and Bones
World Economic Forum (WEF)
Why Do Firefighters Wear The Maltese Cross?
NOW WATCH THIS DRIVE
In the United States, all Firefighting Brigades wear a Badge of the Knights of Malta (Or St. John’s, or Hospitallers, among other names) as their insignia.
(from the Pontiac, IL Fire Department’s Website)
“The Maltese cross is known around the world as a symbol of the fire service. It is often seen painted on fire trucks, on the clothing of firefighters, depicted on firefighters badges, and is quite often the chosen design of firefighter tattoos. So where did the Maltese cross come from, and how did it get to be known as a symbol of the fire service?
“The Badge of a Firefighter is the Maltese Cross. The Maltese Cross is a symbol of protection and a badge of honor. Its story is hundreds of years old. When a courageous band of crusaders known as Knights of St. John fought the Saracens for possession of the holy land, they encountered a new weapon unknown to European warriors. It was a simple, but horrible device of war. It wrought excruciating pain and agonizing death upon the brave fighters for the cross. The Saracens’ weapon was fire.
“As the crusaders advanced on the walls of the city, they were struck by glass bombs containing naphtha. When they became saturated with the highly flammable liquid, the Saracens hurled a flaming torch into their midst. Hundreds of the knights were burned alive; others risked their lives to save their brothers-in-arms from dying painful, fiery deaths.
“Thus, these men became our first Fire Fighters and the first of a long list of courageous Firefighters. Their heroic efforts were recognized by fellow crusaders who awarded each hero a badge of honor-a cross similar to the one fire fighters wear today. Since the Knights of St. John lived for close to four centuries on a little island in the Mediterranean Sea named Malta, the cross came to be known as the Maltese Cross.”
Thus written is a standard version of the story passed on orally between firemen.
The Fire Fighters Association of Missouri seems to have more information…
“A definitive reference to the use of a Maltese cross as a badge comes from the Rules and Regulations of the Metropolitan Fire Department of New York. The “Rules” require: A white metal Maltese cross, with the appropriate emblems of the department in the center, the letters “MFD” and the number (numerically) on the points, and placed in the center of the front of the cap.
“In 1865, at the end of the civil war, the New York state government enacted a law to create “a Metropolitan Fire District and Establish a Fire Department Therein.” This included Brooklyn’s east and west divisions and replaced the problem-plagued volunteer fire departments establishing the MFD Because of the war, the volunteer departments in New York were short on manpower and had trouble turning out on calls, and were politically mismanaged. The replacement of volunteers took until 1869, and in 1970 the city regained control of the fire department and changed the name to Fire Department of the City of New York (FDNY).”
Who Are The Knights Really?
“The Knights of Malta” is a simple name for a complicated network, a well-established order going back a thousand years or more, fulfilling the dreams of yesterday’s men today.
Starting as a small hospital in a small church many lifetimes ago, the history of the Order of St. John rings true that all large things have small beginnings. She was and is the hospital across the street from what is now the Holy Sepulchre, the resting place of Christ. A millennia ago, she served as a hospital for Crusaders who had travelled from all over Europe to reclaim Jerusalem from Golden Age Muslim Kingdoms of Arabia and North Africa.
Malta 1 – Origins
Malta 2 – 1099
Malta 3 – After the War
According to Bill Cooper, The Knights of Malta is a world organization with its threads weaving through business, banking, politics, the CIA, other intelligence organizations, P2, religion, education, law, military, think tanks, foundations, the United States Information Agency, the United Nations, and numerous other organizations. The world head of the Knights of Malta is elected for a life term, with the approval of the Pope. The Knights of Malta have their own Constitution and are sworn to work toward the establishment of a New World Order with the Pope at its head. Knights of Malta members are also powerful members of the CFR (Council on Foreign Relations) and the Trilateral Commission.
The Knights of Malta ALL have diplomatic immunity. They can ship goods across borders without paying duty or undergoing customs check. They are held up by a backbone consisting of nobility. Nearly half of the 10,000 members belong to Europe’s oldest and most powerful families. This cements the alliance between the Vatican and the “Black Nobility.” The Black Nobility is mostly the rich and powerful of Europe. The head of the Black Nobility is the family that can claim direct descendancy from the last Roman emperor. Membership in the Knights of Malta entails obedience to one’s superior in THE ORDER and ultimately to the Pope. Therefore, a U.S. ambassador who is also a member of the Knights of Malta faces a conflict of interest. Why is this fact ignored? President Bush appointed Knight of Malta Thomas Melady to the post of U.S. Ambassador to the Vatican.
ASIDE – A Quote from Thomas Melady
“In my final meeting with the pope, when I said goodbye, I told him I came with a mission to accomplish certain things,” Melady recalled in a television interview nine years ago. “One thing I didn’t accomplish was the recognition of Israel. He smiled at me and said, ‘Wait and see.’”
According to William Bramley, The Knights Hospitaler were so named because they operated a hospital in Jerusalem to help pilgrims in distress… After the fall of Jerusalem and the final victory of the Moslems in 1291, the fortunes of both knightly orders changed. The Knights of St. John (Hospitalers) were forced to flee the Holy Land. They took up residence on a succession of islands during the ensuing centuries. With the changes of location came changes in name. They became the “Knights of Rhodes” after moving to the island of Rhodes. They were the “Knights of Malta” when they moved to that island and ruled it. While on Malta, the Knights became a major military and naval power in the Mediterranean until their defeat in 1789 by Napoleon. After enjoying temporary protection under Russian Emperor Paul I, the Knights of Malta had their headquarters moved to Rome in 1834, by Pope Leo XIII. Today they are known as the “Sovereign Order of the Knights of Malta” (SMOM) and have the unusual distinction of being the world’s smallest nation. Located in a walled enclave in central Rome, SMOM still retains its status as a sovereign state, although new Grand Masters of the Order must be approved by the Pope.
The Knights of Malta are a Gentile, Roman, Freemasonic Order coming out of the Old Roman Empire, which was the collective power of the old world of Europe, cause Europe was dominated by Rome. The CIA was set up by the Knights of Malta. The Knights of Malta is a Masonic lodge inside the Vatican. CIA is a Knights of Malta, Vatican operation in America, period. They are Masonic Order that founded, organizes, directs, and finances Hospitals and health care, throughout the world.
According to David Icke, As the Knights of Malta, their official head is the Pope and their headquarters is in Rome. As the Knights of St John they are based in London and their official head is the King or Queen. The Catholic and Protestant wings are in fact the same organization at the highest level.
THAT’S A LOTTA BLOW!
Some Secrets Are More Secret Than Others
“All these [environmental] things we talk about wouldn’t be a problem if there was the size of population that there was 500 years ago.” – Jane Goodall, at WEF 2020 aka Davos
The Deep State, The Empire, or the Supranational State
The Supranational Deep State (SDS) is the alliance of formerly distinct national deep states which coalesced in the second half of the 20th century, and which were demonstrably working as a coherent in time for 9/11. It is not an alliance of senior business or military leaders or politicians (a demographic of what we may call “middle management”), but of a deeper level of politician that pull their strings. It is not inter-national, but supra-national. That is to say, it has de facto control over most national governments.
The group’s control over institutions such as intelligence agencies, the global money system, national governments and the commercially-controlled media is unprecedented, although the speed of technical change means that their control of the narrative is uncertain. Their ability to control the public imagination is proving far less convincing as time goes on.
The SDS controls the tech giants, and is advancing ideas such as “hate speech” to justify censoring the internet. In 2020, the COVID-19 panic has seen new heights of censorship, under the guise of protecting public health. COVID lockdowns were enforced in almost all countries to advance the social change promoted by the SDS, such as the acceptance of forced vaccination.
The term “Deep State” was apparently coined by Peter Dale Scott,
An Excerpt from Peter Dale Scott’s American War Machine
Deep State or Deep Event – A clearly defined deep event will combine both internal features — evidence, such as a discernible cover-up, that aspects are being suppressed — and external features — an ongoing and perhaps irresoluble controversy as to what happened. Some deep events — the 1968 assassinations, the Tonkin Gulf incidents, and 9/11 — clearly have both features. Others do not. For example, the 1898 sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor continues to spark debate and investigations, even though the case that it was a false-flag operation is usually presented without any persuasive evidence.
We have an even clearer picture of America’s overall responsibility for the huge increases in global drug trafficking since World War II. This is exemplified by the more than doubling of Afghan opium drug production since the United States invaded that country in 2001. But the U.S. responsibility for the present dominant role of Afghanistan in the global heroin traffic has merely replicated what had happened earlier in Burma, Thailand, and Laos between the late 1940s and the 1970s. These countries also only became factors in the international drug traffic as a result of CIA assistance (after the French, in the case of Laos) to what would otherwise have been only local traffickers.
This book goes back in time to the late 1940s and 1950s and the murky circumstances under which the CIA began to facilitate drug trafficking in South and Southeast Asia, culminating in Afghanistan. Writing it has enabled me to have further thoughts about the Palo Alto incident and particularly the importance of its date—September 1971. As we shall see, this was a time of a major change in the U.S. relationship to the Southeast Asian drug traffic. In June 1971, Nixon had declared a War on Drugs, and Laos in that same September, under instructions from the U.S. embassy, had just made opium trafficking illegal.
In my experience, deep events are better understood collectively than in isolation. When looked at together, they constitute a larger pattern, that of deep history. For some years, beginning before 9/11, I have noted that from time to time America’s recorded or archival history has been disrupted by deep events such as the John F. Kennedy assassination. These events are attributed publicly to marginal and unthreatening agents — like Lee Harvey Oswald. But cumulatively, the historical succession of deep events — such as Dallas, Watergate, and 9/11 — has impacted more and more profoundly on America’s political situation. More specifically, as I shall argue, America’s major foreign wars are typically preceded by deep events like the Tonkin Gulf incidents, 9/11, or the 2001 anthrax attacks. This suggests that what I call the war machine in Washington (including but not restricted to elements in the Pentagon and the CIA) may have been behind them.
If by terrorism we mean “the use of violence to intimidate,” then in September 1971 the historian Alfred McCoy and I witnessed a minor California terrorist incident. A Vietnam veteran of Special Forces living in East Palo Alto who had seen opium loaded onto the CIA’s Air America airplanes in Asia agreed on my telephone to be interviewed by the two of us. But when we arrived at his house the next morning, he had changed his mind. Motioning to us not to speak, he led us back down his front-door steps to his sports car, an MG. Overnight someone had warned him not to talk to us by burning a large hole in its steel door, with what he said could only have been a sophisticated implosion device, of the sort used by his old unit.
One might think that such a vivid and incongruous event could hardly be forgotten, especially since it had clearly been generated by knowledge of what had been spoken on my telephone. But in fact for more than a decade, I totally suppressed my memory of it, even through the first two years of a determined poetic search to recover just such suppressed memories.
As I began to recall this episode in a different millennium, the incident itself seemed less surprising. The nation was then in turmoil, and even nonviolent antiwar protesters like myself were subject to ongoing surveillance. Much worse things were happening. In San Diego, “Vigilantes led by an FBI informant wrecked [an antiwar] paper’s printing equipment, firebombed the car of one staffer, and nearly shot to death another.” In Chicago in the same period, “The army’s 113th Military Intelligence Group . . . provided money, tear-gas bombs, MACE, and electronic surveillance equipment to the Legion of Justice thugs whom the Chicago Red Squad turned loose on local anti-war groups.”
U.S. Responsibility for the Flood of Heroin in the World
Here is yet another fact that is so alien to our normal view of reality that I myself find it hard to keep in mind: U.S. backdoor covert foreign policy has been the largest single cause of the illicit drugs flooding the world today. It is worth contemplating for a moment the legacy of CIA-supported drug proxies in just two areas — the Golden Triangle and the Golden Crescent. In 2003, according to the United Nations, these two areas accounted for 91 percent of the area devoted to illicit opium production and 95 percent of the estimated product in metric tons. (Add in Colombia and Mexico, two other countries where the CIA has worked with drug traffickers, and the four areas accounted for 96.6 percent of the growing area and 97.8 percent of the estimated product.)
The CIA’s covert operations were not the sole cause for this flood of opium and heroin. But the de facto protection conferred on sectors of the opium trade by CIA involvement is clearly a major historical factor for the world crime scourge today.
When the CIA airline CAT began its covert flights to Burma in the 1950s, the area produced about eighty tons of opium a year. In ten years’ time, production had perhaps quadrupled, and at one point during the Vietnam War the output from the Golden Triangle reached 1,200 tons a year. By 1971, there were also at least seven heroin labs in the region, one of which, close to the CIA base at Ban Houei Sai in Laos, produced an estimated 3.6 tons of heroin a year.
Afghan opium production has been even more responsive to U.S. operations in the area. It soared from 200 metric tons in 1980, the first full year of U.S. support for the drug-trafficking mujahideen Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, to 1,980 metric tons in 1991, when both the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to terminate their aid. After 1979 Afghan opium and heroin entered the world market significantly for the first time and rose from roughly 0 to 60 percent of U.S. consumption by 1980. In Pakistan there were hardly any drug addicts in 1979; the number had risen to over 800,000 by 1992.
In 2000–2001 the Taliban virtually eliminated opium production in their area of Afghanistan. Thus total production for 2001 was 185 metric tons. Nearly all of this was from the northeastern corner controlled by the drug-trafficking Northern Alliance, which in that year became America’s ally in its invasion. Once again production soared after the U.S. invasion in 2001, in part because the United States recruited former drug traffickers as supporting assets in its assault. From 3,400 metric tons in 2002, it climbed steadily until “in 2007 Afghanistan produced an extraordinary 8,200 tons of opium (34% more than in 2006), becoming practically the exclusive supplier of the world’s deadliest drug (93% of the global opiates market).”
The conspicuous (and rarely acknowledged) fact that backdoor aspects of U.S. policies have been a major causal factor in today’s drug flows does not of course mean that the United States has control over the situations it has produced. What it does indicate is that repeatedly, as a Brookings Institution expert wrote of the U.S. Afghan intervention of 1979–1980, “drug control evidently became subordinated to larger strategic goals.” Congress has done nothing to alter these priorities and is not likely to do so soon.
The CIA shares responsibility not only for the increase in global drug production but also for significant smuggling into the United States. This was demonstrated by two indictments by the U.S. Department of Justice in the mid-1990s. In March 1997, Michel-Joseph François, the CIA-backed police chief in Haiti, was indicted in Miami for having helped to smuggle thirty-three tons of Colombian cocaine and heroin into the United States. The Haitian National Intelligence Service (SIN), which the CIA helped to create, was also a target of the Justice Department investigation that led to the indictment.
A few months earlier, General Ramon Guillén Davila, chief of a CIA- created antidrug unit in Venezuela, was indicted in Miami for smuggling a ton of cocaine into the United States. According to the New York Times, “The CIA, over the objections of the Drug Enforcement Administration, approved the shipment of at least one ton of pure cocaine to Miami International Airport as a way of gathering information about the Colombian drug cartels.” Time magazine reported that a single shipment amounted to 998 pounds, following earlier ones “totaling nearly 2,000 pounds.”  Mike Wallace confirmed that “the CIA-national guard undercover operation quickly accumulated this cocaine, over a ton and a half that was smuggled from Colombia into Venezuela.” According to the Wall Street Journal, the total amount of drugs smuggled by General Guillén may have been more than twenty-two tons.
But the United States never asked for Guillén’s extradition from Venezuela to stand trial, and in 2007, when he was arrested in Venezuela for plotting to assassinate President Hugo Chavez, his indictment was still sealed in Miami. Meanwhile, CIA officer Mark McFarlin, whom Drug Enforcement Administration] (DEA) Chief Bonner had also wished to indict, was never indicted at all; he merely resigned.
François and Guillén were part of an interconnected network of CIA-protected drug-trafficking intelligence networks south of the U.S. border, including the SIN of Vladimiro Montesinos in Peru, the G-2 of Manuel Noriega in Panama, the G-2 of Leonidas Torres Arias in Honduras, and, perhaps above all, the DFS of Miguel Nazar Haro and Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios in Mexico.
But the Guillén case transcends all the others both in size and also because in this case, as former DEA Chief Robert Bonner explained on 60 Minutes, the CIA clearly broke the law:
[MIKE] WALLACE [voiceover]: Until last month, Judge Robert Bonner was the head of the Drug Enforcement Administration, the DEA. And Judge Bonner explained to us that only the head of the DEA is authorized to approve the transportation of any illegal narcotics, like cocaine, into this country, even if the CIA is bringing it in.
Judge BONNER: Let me put it this way, Mike. If this has not been approved by DEA or an appropriate law-enforcement authority in the United States, then it’s illegal. It’s called drug trafficking. It’s called drug smuggling.
WALLACE: So what you’re saying, in effect, is the CIA broke the law; simple as that.
Judge BONNER: I don’t think there’s any other way you can rationalize around it, assuming, as I think we can, that there was some knowledge on the part of CIA. At least some participation in approving or condoning this to be done. (Footage of Wallace and Bonner; the CIA seal)
WALLACE: (Voiceover) Judge Bonner says he came to that conclusion after a two-year secret investigation conducted by the DEA’s Office of Professional Responsibility, in cooperation with the CIA’s own inspector general.
According to Time, “The stated purpose of the scheme was to help one of the Venezuelan general’s agents win the confidence of Colombia’s drug lords,” specifically the Medellin cartel. But by facilitating multiton shipments, the CIA was becoming part of the Colombian drug scene (just as, we shall see, it became in the 1950s an integral part of the Burma–Laos–Thailand drug scene). As I wrote in Drugs, Oil, and War,
The CIA can (and does) point to its role in the arrest or elimination of a number of major Colombian traffickers. These arrests have not diminished the actual flow of cocaine into the United States, which on the contrary reached a new high in 2000. But they have institutionalized the relationship of law enforcement to rival cartels and visibly contributed to the increase of urban cartel violence. The true purpose of most of these campaigns, like the current Plan Colombia, has not been the hopeless ideal of eradication. It has been to alter market share: to target specific enemies and thus ensure that the drug traffic remains under the control of those traffickers who are allies of the Colombian state security apparatus and/or the CIA. This confirms the judgment of Senate investigator Jack Blum a decade ago, that America, instead of battling a narcotics conspiracy, has “in a subtle way . . . become part of that conspiracy.” 
The fact that the CIA, two decades ago, became involved in facilitating massive shipments of cocaine impels us to consider the recent allegation by a Russian general that “drugs are often transported out of Afghanistan on American planes.”
Le Cercle is a deep state milieu of a comparable age to the Bilderberg, but smaller, spookier, more secretive and far less exposed. David Teacher wrote that the group “can be seen to be an international coalition of right-wing intelligence veterans, propaganda assets and top politicians who would shape the 1970s and 1980s.” It was entirely European for 15 years, but since 1968 it has met annually in both Washington DC and Europe. Leaked documents indicate that their activities include political subversion, arrangement of arms deals and fraud. Group members evinced great interest in “terrorism” back in the 1970s.
Le Cercle was described by former Conservative minister Alan Clark as “a right-wing think (or rather thought) tank, funded by the CIA, which churns Cold War concepts around”.
According to an article in the Independent from 1997, “Formed in the Fifties, Cercle was intended to cement Franco-German relations, as a buffer to Soviet aggression during the Cold War. Down the years, however, it has become much more, advocating right-wing causes round the world and growing into a confidential talking shop for about 70 politicians, businessmen, polemicists and personnel from the diplomatic and security services. Members are invited to attend its meetings; they cannot ask to be admitted, and as a condition of attending they agree to keep all sessions secret. It meets twice a year, once in Washington DC in the autumn and once in the early part of the year in an “overseas” venue.”
In 2000, a single webpage at www.atlanticcircle.com described Le Cercle as “an informal group of European and American professionals – politicians, retired Ambassadors, former Generals, lawyers, bankers and active participants in banking, oil, shipping, publishing and trading companies – who are interested in preserving a positive Atlantic dialogue.” To the UK House of Lords, this group has been described as an “informal group meeting to discuss world affairs.” William Hague described it as “a political group which organizes conferences.” In 2007 the Washington Post termed it a “foreign policy think tank established during the Cold War that reportedly included senior politicians, diplomats and intelligence agents worldwide.” Inviting the banker Jean-Maxime Leveque in 1983, Monique Garnier-Lançon wrote that at The Cercle “The leaders of the free world can now examine the very grave problems which we face in order to determine together possible solutions and then to try to implement them, each in their respective sphere.”